Speaker John BercowPresident Obama Addresses the British Parliament.docx

1、Speaker John BercowPresident Obama Addresses the British ParliamentSpeaker John Bercow : Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen, history is more than the path left by the past. It influences the present and can shape the future. We meet today in Westminster Hall, a building begun 900 years ago when the

2、 Vikings were visiting the shores of what would become the United States, even if it was Columbus who would subsequently demonstrate the politicians art of arriving late, but claiming all the credit. (laughter) This hall has witnessed grim trials in the sentencing to death of a king, coronation banq

3、uets, ceremonial addresses, and the coffins of those receiving the last respects of our people. Few places reach so far into the heart of our nation. Yet until today, no American president has stood on these steps to address our countrys Parliament. It is my honor, Mr. President, to welcome you as o

4、ur friend and as a statesman. Statesmanship is the cement which seals our shared idealism as nations. It makes meaningful the unity of ambition, passion for freedom, and abhorrence of injustice that is the call of our close alliance. It has fallen to you to tackle economic turbulence at home, to pro

5、tect the health of those without wealth, and to seek that precious balance between security which is too often threatened, and human rights which are too often denied. History is not the burden of any one man or woman alone. But some are called to meet a special share of its challenges. It is a duty

6、 that you discharge with a dignity, determination, and distinction that are widely admired. Abraham Lincoln once observed that nearly all men can stand adversity. But if you want to test a mans character, give him power. Ladies and gentlemen, the President of the United States of America, Barack Oba

7、ma. (applause) President Obama: Thank you very much. (applause) Thank you very much. Thank you. (applause) Thank you. (applause) Thank you so much. (applause) My Lord Chancellor, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Prime Minister, my lords, and members of the House of Commons: I have known few greater honors than the

8、opportunity to address the Mother of Parliaments at Westminster Hall. I am told that the last three speakers here have been the Pope, Her Majesty the Queen, and Nelson Mandela - which is either a very high bar or the beginning of a very funny joke. (laughter) I come here today to reaffirm one of the

9、 oldest, one of the strongest alliances the world has ever known. Its long been said that the United States and the United Kingdom share a special relationship. And since we also share an especially active press corps, that relationship is often analyzed and overanalyzed for the slightest hint of st

10、ress or strain. Of course, all relationships have their ups and downs. Admittedly, ours got off on the wrong foot with a small scrape about tea and taxes. (laughter) There may also have been some hurt feelings when the White House was set on fire during the War of 1812. (laughter) But fortunately, i

11、ts been smooth sailing ever since. The reason for this close friendship doesnt just have to do with our shared history, our shared heritage; our ties of language and culture; or even the strong partnership between our governments. Our relationship is special because of the values and beliefs that ha

12、ve united our people through the ages. Centuries ago, when kings, emperors, and warlords reigned over much of the world, it was the English who first spelled out the rights and liberties of man in the Magna Carta. It was here, in this very hall, where the rule of law first developed, courts were est

13、ablished, disputes were settled, and citizens came to petition their leaders. Over time, the people of this nation waged a long and sometimes bloody struggle to expand and secure their freedom from the crown. Propelled by the ideals of the Enlightenment, they would ultimately forge an English Bill o

14、f Rights, and invest the power to govern in an elected parliament thats gathered here today. What began on this island would inspire millions throughout the continent of Europe and across the world. But perhaps no one drew greater inspiration from these notions of freedom than your rabble-rousing co

15、lonists on the other side of the Atlantic. As Winston Churchill said, the .Magna Carta, the Bill of Rights, Habeas Corpus, trial by jury, and English common law find their most famous expression in the American Declaration of Independence. For both of our nations, living up to the ideals enshrined i

16、n these founding documents has sometimes been difficult, has always been a work in progress. The path has never been perfect. But through the struggles of slaves and immigrants, women and ethnic minorities, former colonies and persecuted religions, we have learned better than most that the longing f

17、or freedom and human dignity is not English or American or Western - it is universal, and it beats in every heart. Perhaps thats why there are few nations that stand firmer, speak louder, and fight harder to defend democratic values around the world than the United States and the United Kingdom. We

18、are the allies who landed at Omaha and Gold, who sacrificed side by side to free a continent from the march of tyranny, and help prosperity flourish from the ruins of war. And with the founding of NATO - a British idea - we joined a transatlantic alliance that has ensured our security for over half

19、a century. Together with our allies, we forged a lasting peace from a cold war. When the Iron Curtain lifted, we expanded our alliance to include the nations of Central and Eastern Europe, and built new bridges to Russia and the former states of the Soviet Union. And when there was strife in the Bal

20、kans, we worked together to keep the peace. Today, after a difficult decade that began with war and ended in recession, our nations have arrived at a pivotal moment once more. A global economy that once stood on the brink of depression is now stable and recovering. After years of conflict, the Unite

21、d States has removed 100,000 troops from Iraq, the United Kingdom has removed its forces, and our combat mission there has ended. In Afghanistan, weve broken the Talibans momentum and will soon begin a transition to Afghan lead. And nearly 10 years after 9/11, we have disrupted terrorist networks an

22、d dealt al Qaeda a huge blow by killing its leader - Osama bin Laden. Together, we have met great challenges. But as we enter this new chapter in our shared history, profound challenges stretch out before us. In a world where the prosperity of all nations is now inextricably linked, a new era of coo

23、peration is required to ensure the growth and stability of the global economy. As new threats spread across borders and oceans, we must dismantle terrorist networks and stop the spread of nuclear weapons, confront climate change and combat famine and disease. And as a revolution races through the st

24、reets of the Middle East and North Africa, the entire world has a stake in the aspirations of a generation that longs to determine its own destiny. These challenges come at a time when the international order has already been reshaped for a new century. Countries like China, India, and Brazil are gr

25、owing by leaps and bounds. We should welcome this development, for it has lifted hundreds of millions from poverty around the globe, and created new markets and opportunities for our own nations. And yet, as this rapid change has taken place, its become fashionable in some quarters to question wheth

26、er the rise of these nations will accompany the decline of American and European influence around the world. Perhaps, the argument goes, these nations represent the future, and the time for our leadership has passed. That argument is wrong. The time for our leadership is now. It was the United State

27、s and the United Kingdom and our democratic allies that shaped a world in which new nations could emerge and individuals could thrive. And even as more nations take on the responsibilities of global leadership, our alliance will remain indispensable to the goal of a century that is more peaceful, mo

28、re prosperous and more just. At a time when threats and challenges require nations to work in concert with one another, we remain the greatest catalysts for global action. In an era defined by the rapid flow of commerce and information, it is our free market tradition, our openness, fortified by our

29、 commitment to basic security for our citizens, that offers the best chance of prosperity that is both strong and shared. As millions are still denied their basic human rights because of who they are, or what they believe, or the kind of government that they live under, we are the nations most willi

30、ng to stand up for the values of tolerance and self-determination that lead to peace and dignity. Now, this doesnt mean we can afford to stand still. The nature of our leadership will need to change with the times. As I said the first time I came to London as President, for the G20 summit, the days

31、are gone when Roosevelt and Churchill could sit in a room and solve the worlds problems over a glass of brandy - although Im sure that Prime Minister Cameron would agree that some days we could both use a stiff drink. (laughter) In this century, our joint leadership will require building new partner

32、ships, adapting to new circumstances, and remaking ourselves to meet the demands of a new era. That begins with our economic leadership. Adam Smiths central insight remains true today: There is no greater generator of wealth and innovation than a system of free enterprise that unleashes the full pot

33、ential of individual men and women. Thats what led to the Industrial Revolution that began in the factories of Manchester. That is what led to the dawn of the Information Age that arose from the office parks of Silicon Valley. Thats why countries like China, India and Brazil are growing so rapidly - because in fits and starts, they are moving toward market-base