英语一阅读翻译.docx

1、英语一阅读翻译2007 Text 1If you were to examine the birth certificates of every soccer player in 2006s World Cup tournament, you would most likely find a noteworthy quirk: elite soccer players are more likely to have been born in the earlier months of the year than in the late months. If you then examined

2、the European national youth teams that feed the World Cup and professional ranks, you would find this strange phenomenon to be ever more pronounced.如果你打算在2006年世界杯锦标赛上调查所有足球运动员的出生证明，那么你很有可能发现一个引人注目的巧合：优秀足球运动员更可能出生于每年的前几个月而不是后几个月。如果你接着调查世界杯和职业比赛的欧洲国家青年队的话，那么你会发现这一奇怪的现象甚至更明显。What might account for this

3、 strange phenomenon? Here are a few guesses: a) certain astrological signs confer superior soccer skills; b) winter born babies tend to have higher oxygen capacity, which increases soccer stamina; c) soccer-mad parents are more likely to conceive children in springtime, at the annual peak of soccer

4、mania; d) none of the above.什么可以解释这一奇怪的现象呢？下面是一些猜测：a）某种占星术征兆使人具备更高的足球技能；b）冬季出生的婴儿往往具有更高的供氧能力，这增加了踢足球的持久力；c）热爱足球的父母更可能在春季（每年足球狂热的鼎盛时期）怀孕；d）以上各项都不是。Anders Ericsson, a 58-year-old psychology professor at Florida State University, says he believes strongly in “none of the above.” Ericsson grew up in Swe

5、den, and studied nuclear engineering until he realized he would have more opportunity to conduct his own research if he switched to psychology. His first experiment, nearly 30 years ago, involved memory: training a person to hear and then repeat a random series of numbers. “With the first subject, a

6、fter about 20 hours of training, his digit span had risen from 7 to 20,” Ericsson recalls. “He kept improving, and after about 200 hours of training he had risen to over 80 numbers.”58岁的安德斯埃里克森是佛罗里达州立大学的一名心理学教授，他说，他坚信“以上各项都不是”这一猜测。在瑞典长大的埃里克森，一直研究核工程，直到他认识到，如果他转向心理学领域，他将会有更多机会从事自己的研究。他的首次试验是在大约30年以前进

7、行的，与记忆相关：训练一个人先听一组任意挑选的数字，然后复述这些数字。“在经过大约20小时的训练之后，第一个试验对象（复述）的数字跨度从7个上升到20个，” 埃里克森回忆说。“该试验对象不断进步，在接受大约200个小时的训练后，他复述的数字已经达到80多个。”This success, coupled with later research showing that memory itself is not genetically determined, led Ericsson to conclude that the act of memorizing is more of a cogni

8、tive exercise than an intuitive one. In other words, whatever inborn differences two people may exhibit in their abilities to memorize, those differences are swamped by how well each person “encodes” the information. And the best way to learn how to encode information meaningfully, Ericsson determin

9、ed, was a process known as deliberate practice. Deliberate practice entails more than simply repeating a task. Rather, it involves setting specific goals, obtaining immediate feedback and concentrating as much on technique as on outcome.这一成功，连同后来证明的记忆本身不是遗传决定的研究，使得埃里克森得出结论，即记忆过程是一种认知练习，而不是一种本能练习。换句话

10、说，无论两个人在记忆力能力上可能存在怎样的天生差异，这些差异都会被每个人如何恰当地“解读”所记的信息所掩盖。埃里克森确信，了解如何有目的地解读信息的最佳方法就是一个为人所知的有意练习过程。有意练习需要的不仅仅是简单地重复一个任务。相反，它包括确定明确的目标、获得即时的反馈以及技术与结果的浓缩。Ericsson and his colleagues have thus taken to studying expert performers in a wide range of pursuits, including soccer. They gather all the data they ca

11、n, not just performance statistics and biographical details but also the results of their own laboratory experiments with high achievers. Their work makes a rather startling assertion: the trait we commonly call talent is highly overrated. Or, put another way, expert performers whether in memory or

12、surgery, ballet or computer programmingare nearly always made, not born.因此，埃里克森和他的同事开始研究包括足球领域在内的广泛领域中专业执行者。他们收集了能够收集的所有资料，不只是表现方面的统计数据和传记详细资料，还包括他们自己对取得很高成就的人员进行的实验室实验结果。他们的研究得出了一个非常令人惊奇的结论我们通常称为天分的特征被高估了。或者，换句话说，专业执行者无论是在记忆还是手术方面，在芭蕾还是计算机编程领域几乎总是培养的，而不是天生的。2007 Text 2 For the past several years, t

13、he Sunday newspaper supplement Parade has featured a column called “Ask Marilyn.” People are invited to query Marilyn vos Savant, who at age 10 had tested at a mental level of someone about 23 years old; that gave her an IQ of 228 the highest score ever recorded. IQ tests ask you to complete verbal

14、and visual analogies, to envision paper after it has been folded and cut, and to deduce numerical sequences, among other similar tasks. So it is a bit confusing when vos Savant fields such queries from the average Joe (whose IQ is 100) as, Whats the difference between love and fondness? Or what is t

15、he nature of luck and coincidence? Its not obvious how the capacity to visualize objects and to figure out numerical patterns suits one to answer questions that have eluded some of the best poets and philosophers.在过去的几年，星期日报的增刊漫步开设了一个名为“询问玛丽琳”的专栏。人们被邀请去询问玛丽琳沃斯萨文特，玛丽琳沃斯萨文特在10岁时测试的智力水平达到别人23岁时的水平，这使得她

16、的智商高达228是有记录的最高水平。智商测试要求你完成口头和视觉分析，要求你在纸张被折叠、剪切后想象它的形状，要求你推论数字的顺序，还有其他类似的项目。所以，当沃斯萨文特面对普通人（智商为100）提出的像“热爱与喜爱之间的区别是什么？”或者“运气与巧合的特征是什么？”这样的问题时，她感到有点困惑。设想物体、判断数字模式的能力如何使一个人能够回答难倒了一些最杰出的诗人和哲学家的问题，这可并不那么显而易见。Clearly, intelligence encompasses more than a score on a test. Just what does it mean to be smart

17、? How much of intelligence can be specified, and how much can we learn about it from neurology, genetics, computer science and other fields?毫无疑问，智力包含的不仅仅是一次测试所得的分数。而聪明意味着什么？可以明确显示智力有多少？我们能够从神经学、遗传学、计算机科学以及其他领域了解的智力又有多少？The defining term of intelligence in humans still seems to be the IQ score, even

18、though IQ tests are not given as often as they used to be. The test comes primarily in two forms: the Stanford-Binet Intelligence Scale and the Wechsler Intelligence Scales (both come in adult and childrens version). Generally costing several hundred dollars, they are usually given only by psycholog

19、ists, although variations of them populate bookstores and the World Wide Web. Superhigh scores like vos Savants are no longer possible, because scoring is now based on a statistical population distribution among age peers, rather than simply dividing the mental age by the chronological age and multi

20、plying by 100. Other standardized tests, such as the Scholastic Assessment Test (SAT) and the Graduate Record Exam (GRE), capture the main aspects of IQ tests.人类有关智力的定义性术语似乎仍然是智商分数，即使人们并不像以前那样经常进行智商测试。智商测试主要表现为两种形式：斯坦福比奈特智力衡量表和威斯勒智力衡量表（两种都包含成人和儿童测试类型）。由于这些测试一般要花费几百美元，因此通常只有心理学家才进行这些测试，尽管这些测试的变种存在于书店

21、和环球网上。像沃斯萨文特得到这样的超高分数也再不可能，因为现在的分数依据的是相同年龄者的统计学群体分布状况，而不是简单地通过实足年龄乘以100来划分智能年龄。其他标准测试，比如学术能力检测以及研究生入学考试，包含了智商测试的主要方面。Such standardized tests may not assess all the important elements necessary to succeed in school and in life, argues Robert J. Sternberg. In his article “How Intelligent Is Intelligen

22、ce Testing?”, Sternberg notes that traditional test best assess analytical and verbal skills but fail to measure creativity and practical knowledge, components also critical to problem solving and life success. Moreover, IQ test do not necessarily predict so well once populations or situations chang

23、e. Research has found that IQ predicted leadership skills when the tests were given under low-stress conditions, but under high-stress conditions, IQ was negatively correlated with leadership that is, it predicted the opposite. Anyone who has toiled through SAT will testify that test-taking skill al

24、so matters, whether its knowing when to guess or what questions to skip.罗伯特杰斯顿伯格认为，这样的标准测试不可能评估在学校和生活中取得成功所需的所有重要因素。在其名为“智力测试如何明智？”的文章中，斯顿伯格指出，传统的测试最恰当地评估了分析能力和语言表达能力，但没有测量创造性和实际知识，这些也是解决问题和在生活中取得成功的关键因素。而且，一旦种群或环境发生变化，智商测试就不一定预测得那么准确。研究发现，如果在低压力状况下进行智商测试，那么这种测试就可以预测出领导才能，但是，在高压力状况下，智商测试所得的结果与领导才能的关

25、系是否定的，也就是说，它预测的结果是相反的。任何经历过学术能力检测的人都会认为，应试能力也很重要，无论是知道何时应该进行推测，还是知道应该忽略什么问题。2007 Text 3 During the past generation, the American middle-class family that once could count on hard work and fair play to keep itself financially secure had been transformed by economic risk and new realties. Now a pink s

26、lip, a bad diagnosis, or a disappearing spouse can reduce a family from solidly middle class to newly poor in a few months.在过去的十几年里，美国那些曾经可以依靠辛勤劳动和公平条件以维持其收入稳定的中产阶层家庭被经济风险和新现实改变了。如今，一份解雇通知书、一个不利的诊断结果或者配偶的去世都可能在几个月之内将一个家庭从稳定的中产阶层家庭降格成为一个新贫困家庭。In just one generation, millions of mothers have gone to w

27、ork, transforming basic family economics. Scholars, policymakers, and critics of all stripes have debated the social implications of these changes, but few have looked at the side effect: family risk has risen as well. Todays families have budgeted to the limits of theirs new two-paycheck status. As

28、 a result, they have lost the parachuted they once had in times of financial setback a back-up earner (usually Mom) who could go into the workforce if the primary earner got laid off or fell sick. This “added-worker effect” could support the safety net offered by unemployment insurance or disability

29、 insurance to help families weather bad times. But today, a disruption to family fortunes can no longer be made up with extra income from an otherwise-stay-at-home partner.在仅仅一代人的时间里，数百万母亲出去工作，改变了基本的家庭经济状况。学者、决策者以及各类批评人士对这些变化的社会意义争论不休，但是，很少有人关注这些变化的副作用：家庭的风险增加了。如今的家庭根据其新的双收入限度安排开支。因此，它们失去了它们在经济萧条时期曾

30、经有过的缓解举措一个后备挣钱者（通常是妈妈），如果家庭的主要挣钱者失业了或者病倒了，她可以出去工作。这种“额外工人效应”可以支撑失业保险或残疾保险提供的安全网，以便帮助家庭渡过难关。但现在，家庭财产的损失再也不可能通过呆在家里的其他伴侣的额外收入弥补了。During the same period, families have been asked to absorb much more risk in their retirement income. Steelworkers, airline employees, and now those in the auto industry are

31、 joining millions of families who must worry about interest rates, stock market fluctuation, and the harsh reality that they may outlive their retirement money. For much of the past year, President Bush campaigned to move Social Security to a saving-account model, with retirees trading much or all o

32、f their guaranteed payments for payments depending on investment returns. For younger families the picture is not any better. Both the absolute cost of healthcare and the share of it borne by families have risen and newly fashionable health-saving plans are spreading from legislative halls to Wal-Mart workers, with much higher deductibles and a large new dose of investment risk for families future healthcare. Even demographics are working against the middle class family, as the odds of having a weak elderly parent and all the attendant need for physical and financial assistance