外刊第1期.docx
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外刊第1期
2016年外刊第2期
Passage1:
BoJobreaksranks
BorisJohnsoniswrong:
inthe21stcentury,sovereigntyisalwaysrelative
Feb21st2016,15:
54 BYBAGEHOT
TODAYthecommentariat,andalmostnooneelse,hasbeenwaitingexcitedlyforBorisJohnsontoshowhiscoloursinBritain’supcomingEUreferendum.Thegreatmomentcameat3:
30pmwiththeBBC’sconfirmationofpriorreportsthatLondon’smayorwouldbackaBrexitvote.ThisnewsisbadfortheIncampaign—heisthecountry’smostpopularpolitician,afterall—thoughnotnearlyasmuchassomeexcitedEuroscepticswillclaiminthecominghours.ItpositionsMrJohnsontorunfortheConservativeleadershipshouldDavidCameronlosethereferendum,andperhaps,thoughnotasimmediately,ifhedoesnot.Butshamelesslyself-interestedandprobablycontrarytohisrealviewsontheEUthoughitis,themayor’smoveisperhapsnotentirelydisingenuous.HehasalwaysinsistedthathisdecisionwouldturnonhisconcernsthatEUmembershipisincompatiblewithBritishsovereignty.Expecthimtoconcentrateonthisobjectioninthecomingdays.
MrJohnsonhasthusalignedhimselfsquarelywithMichaelGove,thejusticesecretarywithwhomheconsortedearlierintheweekandwhodeclaredhissupportforBrexitonFridayina1,500-wordstatementthatoverwhelminglyconcentratedonnationalself-rule.The"decisionswhichgovernallourlives",MrGoveargued,shouldbetakenuniquelyby"peoplewechooseandwhowecanthrowoutifwewantchange".ItisworthtakingthisvarietyofEuroscepticismseriously—partlybecauseitcomesfromthemorethoughtful,liberalwingofthemovement(MrGoveisnottheLittleEnglanderofEurophilelore,forexample).ButalsobecauseitwillfeatureveryprominentlyinthedebatesbetweennowandJune23rd,especiallyasMrJohnsonwillnowpresumablybecomethefaceoftheOutcampaign.
TheJohnson-Goveargumentgoessomethinglikethis:
unlikemanycontinentalcountries,Britainhasanunbrokentraditionoflibertyandrepresentativedemocracy(a"goldenthread")datingbacktoMagnaCartaandsharedbyotherAnglophonenations.Thistraditionisalmostuniquelyuncompromisingaboutaccountability,steadfastintheconvictionthatpowershouldrestonlyinthehandsofleaderselectedbyandanswerabletoanationconstitutingademos,acommunityofsharedassumptionsandexperiences.ThustheEU,accountabletoforeignersaswellasBritons,breaksthesacredbondofmutualpowerbetweendecisionmakersandthoseonwhosebehalftheyact.
Theflawinthiscaseliesinthetradition'sidealisticdefinitionofsovereignty.ForMrJohnsonandMrGove,beingsovereignislikebeingpregnant—youeitherareoryouaren’t.Yetincreasinglyintoday’spost-Westphalianworld,realsovereigntyisrelative.Acountrythatrefusesoutrighttopoolauthorityisonethathasnocontroloverthepollutiondriftingoveritsborders,thestandardsoffinancialregulationaffectingitseconomy,theconsumerandtradenormstowhichitsexportersandimportersarebound,thecleanlinessofitsseasandthesecurityandeconomiccrisespropellingshockwaves—migration,terrorism,marketvolatility—deepintodomesticlife.Tolivewithglobalisationistoacknowledgethatmanylaws(boththosedevisedbygovernmentsandthosewhichbubbleupatnoone’sbehest)areinternationalbeastswhetherwelikeitornot.Ifsovereigntyistheabsenceofmutualinterference,themostsovereigncountryintheworldisNorthKorea.
ThustheEUisjustoneofthousandsofintrusionsonthesortofsovereigntythatthelikesofMrJohnsonsocherish.Britainissubjecttosome700internationaltreatiesinvolvingmulti-lateralsubmissionstomultilateralcompromises.ItsmembershipoftheUNsimilarlyinfringesitsself-determination,foritcanbeoutvotedtherejustasitcaninBrussels.LikewisetheWTO,NATO,theCOPclimatetalks,theIMF,theWorldBank,nucleartestbantreatiesandaccordsonenergy,water,maritimelawandairtrafficallrequireBritaintotoleratethesortoftrade-offsthatEurosceptic souverainistes finddistasteful:
influenceinexchangeforirksomestandardisation,lawsandrulessetmostlybyforeignersnotelectedbyBritons(regulationsthatBritainwouldnotapply,orwouldapplydifferently,iflefttoitsowndevices).Yetitsubmitstoalloftheseknowingthat,aswiththeEU,itisfreetoleavewheneveritwants—butatapricenotworthpaying.
ThisispreciselywhythetwomodelsforaBritainoutsidetheEU oftencitedbyEurosceptics(includingMrJohnson),NorwayandSwitzerland,constitutesuchweakargumentsforBrexit.UndertheJohnson-Goveview,thesecountriesarequitedramaticallymore"sovereign"thanBritain.Butinpracticetheireconomiesandsocietiesaresointertwinedwiththoseoftheirneighboursthattheymustsubjectthemselvestorulesoverwhichtheyhavenosay.Thisexposesafalsechoice:
inanincreasinglyinterdependentworld,countriesmustoftenoptnotbetweenpuresovereigntyandthepooledsort,but—howeverdistastefulthechoicemayseem—betweenthepooledsortandnone.
Perhapstheveryreasonwhythisseemsdistastefulneedsrevising.Thepremiseputforthbythe souverainistes isthatBritain,unliketheEUasawhole,isacoherent demos:
adiscretecivicunitwithadistinctsenseofrightandwrong,asharedcorpusofcivilassumptionsandmostofallacommondialecticalrealm(asBenedictAndersonnoted,theriseofnationalisminthe19thcenturywasassociatedwithemergenceofamassmedia,makingthe"imaginedcommunity"ofnationhoodpossible).InotherwordstheBritishelectoratecan,initscollectivewisdom,reachjudgmentsaboutpoliticiansandpoliciesinawayimpossibleamongtheEUpopulationasawhole,withits24languages,28nationalmedialandscapes,multiplelegalsystemsandvastrangeofhistoricalandideologicalhinterlands.Hence,notwithoutreason,theEuroscepticoffencetakenatcomparisonsofthedemocraticlegitimacyconferredbyEuropeanParliamenttothatconferredbynationalparliaments.
Muchofthisholdstrue.Buttowhatextent?
Themediaisfragmentingandinternationalising.Thecitizensofagivencountrydonotallwatchthesametelevisionprogrammesandreadthesamenewspapersanymore.AcrossEuropethereisevidenceofgrowingpoliticalpolarisationalongculturallines:
foralltheirdifferencesinexperienceandoutlook,votersindeclining,post-industrialpartsofEnglandandFrancehavemuchmoreincommonwitheachotherthanwiththoseincosmopolitanLondonorParis.Languagedividespeoplelessallthetime.Sub-nationalallegiancesaregrowinginstrength(noteScotland’sslidetowardsindependence)andformanincreasinglyappropriateandeffectivebasisforgovernment(consideralltherecentliteratureonthe"ageofmayors").Sowhileonecanstillarguethatpowerexercisedatanationallevelismoredemocraticallyvalidthanthatexercisedatasupra-nationalone,thatcasebecomeslesspressingwitheachpassingyear.
Afinalobservation.TalkofforeignersimposingtheirwillonBritain’selectedgovernmentisusually(andespeciallyinMrJohnson’scase)accompaniedbyapatrioticflourish:
theassertionthat,asoneofworld’sgreateconomic,culturalandmilitarypowers,thecountrydeservestogetitsautonomybackandcanmakeitonitsown.Butthischest-puffingdivergesfromtheunderlyingsovereigntyargument,whichonlyworksif,deepdown,youthinkBritainabitpuny.Considerthetrade-off:
letforeignershavesomeinfluenceoveryourcountryof64mandinreturnreceivequitealotofinfluenceoveraunionofmorethan500m.WhenEuroscepticsonlymentionthefirsthalfofthisbargain,theyimplythatBritainistooweedytotakeadvantageofthesecond. Whichisodd,asthenationalstrengthstheyotherwisecelebrategivethecountryatremendousabilitytodoso.Itsdiplomaticservice,itsglobalalliances,itslanguage,itshistoricalheft—nottomentiontheabsenceofapowersimilarlywellpositionedtoexercisecontinentalleadership—allputitinafantasticpositiontosettheagendainBrusselsatthoseraremoments(forexample,atthetimeoftheLisbonAgendaandtheunion’seastwardsexpansion)whenitputsitsmindtothetask.TheEUisBritain’storun,ifonlyitcouldovercomeitsinsecurityaboutscaryforeignbullies.Inaninterconnectedandineluctablyintegrated21stcentury,itisthat,farmorethantheEurosceptics’puritygames,thatisrealsovereignty.
Passage2:
Fightingthenextrecession
Unfamiliarwaysforward
Policymakersinricheconomiesneedtoconsidersomeradicalapproachestotacklingthenextdownturn
Feb20th2016 | Fromtheprintedition
ATTHEstartofmostyearsinthepastdecade,thelistofworriesabouttheworldeconomyhasseemedlongerthanthatofreasonsforhope.Thefirstfewweeksof2016haveupheldthisnewtradition.Manyemergingmarketsarewrestlingwithexcessivedebts,slowgrowth,plungingcurrenciesandrisinginflation.China,theworld’ssecond-largesteconomy,isasourceofapeculiarlyintractableanxiety.Ifitsgrowthfalters,itstokesworriesabouttheprospectsforotheremergingmarkets;ifactivityholdsup,though,concernsshifttotheever-risingdebtthatmakessuchfeatspossible,butnotnecessarilysustainable.Theeuroarea’stroublesarenolongeracute;butachronicconditionwithanuncertainprognosisisahardthingfromwhichtotakemuchcheer.
TheonebighopehastendedtobetheAmericaneconomy.Someindicatorsthereremainrobust.Thehousingmarketshowsfewsignsofweakness.Newjobsarestillbeingadded.Butdespitethis,signsofimpendingrecessionarenowpilingup.Economicgrowthseemstohavestalledinthefinalquarterof2015.Corpor